The Voices

krugman.blogs.nytimes.com — The usual suspects have been attacking Obama for “demonizing” insurance companies; but saying that people do terrible things isn’t demonization if they do, in fact, do terrible things. And health insurers do, because they have huge financial incentives to act in an inhumane way — most obviously, by revoking coverage when people get sick, using whatever rationale they can devise.

openleft.com — There are two things that are sucking all the life out of that surge of hope so many people felt when Obama came to office. The first is the perception that, early on, Obama chose to help rescue the big banks but has been more passive when it comes to creating new jobs for people, a perception which, while unfair in some regards, is reinforced by record profits and bonuses last year for the big banks we rescued while unemployment is stuck around 10%. The second is that the legislative process always seems like it follows the same depressing pattern.

Newsweek — There have been lots of absurdities in the debate — such as it is — about health care reform. There's the hypocrisy of people dependent on government-run health care complaining about government-run health care. And now comes the Republican canard that the current health care reform proposal constitutes a government takeover of one-sixth of the economy. First, the proposed health care reform does not take over the system in any sense. Much to the chagrin of progressives, the bills under consideration don't contain a public option and don't provide for a single payer. In fact, they provide subsidies for millions of people to purchase private insurance. Second, such statements reveal how pathetically little many of our policymakers and pundits understand American health care spending.

openleft.com — Did progressive organizations and members of Congress get completely rolled in the health reform negotiations? Nope. But comparing the current state of health reform legislation to the most conservative proposals that were passed out of Congressional committee reveals a healthy list of concessions progressives forced out of the right-wing of the party. Even the best proposals that passed out of committee are a far cry from what many progressives wanted. Still, it is an impressive list that should make any progressive activist who participated in the health reform feel proud, even if dissatisfied. You really did improve the bill, and have the opportunity to keep improving it.

The New York Times — As the fierce debate on President Obama’s plan for health care reform comes to a head, Americans should be thinking carefully about what happens if Congress fails to enact legislation. Are they really satisfied with the status quo? And is the status quo really sustainable? Here are some basic facts Americans need to know as Congress decides whether to approve comprehensive reform or continue with what we have.

The New York Times — So the Bunning blockade is over. For days, Senator Jim Bunning of Kentucky exploited Senate rules to block a one-month extension of unemployment benefits. In the end, he gave in, although not soon enough to prevent an interruption of payments to around 100,000 workers. But while the blockade is over, its lessons remain. Some of those lessons involve the spectacular dysfunctionality of the Senate. What I want to focus on right now, however, is the incredible gap that has opened up between the parties. Today, Democrats and Republicans live in different universes, both intellectually and morally.

salon.com — Americans desperately need healthcare reform. They also desperately need jobs. Even if it’s difficult for many to make the connection, it’s still possible for the nation to try to do two important things at the same time. We need a big jobs bill — including especially extended unemployment insurance, aid to hard-hit states and cities — and we need health care reform. The sooner we do the former and get the economy moving into positive job numbers again, the more quickly and easily we can afford the latter. The big question is whether the president can make the case.

The Guardian — It's just about time for that moment Barack Obama has put off for months: call wobbly and wavering Democratic legislators into his office and put the hammer down. So what does he say? I'll suggest two possible directions. You tell me which is better.

prospect.org — From Ronald Reagan's firing of the air-traffic controllers in 1981 (the beginning of the end of organized labor) to Bill Clinton's protection of millions of acres of wilderness land in the Mountain West, executive orders and regulations have changed the direction of policy. Obama has already begun to exercise power through these alternative means, but in the second and perhaps later years of his administration, they are likely to be central to getting anything done. This might seem less exciting than sweeping reforms enacted with the help of both parties in Congress, but have no doubt — big changes are possible without big